21 November is the Day of Dignity and Freedom, a Ukrainian holiday that marks the anniversary of two revolutions that began on this day almost 10 years apart – the Orange Revolution in 2004 and the Euromaidan in 2013.
Both ended in victory. In the first case, it was a powerful protest by supporters of the opposition forces against electoral fraud. The second was an uprising against the domination of the corrupt, pro-Russian government of President Viktor Yanukovych, which discredited itself by fueling corruption, illegally persecuting opposition figures and enabling rampant violence by law enforcement agencies.
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Ultimately, Yanukovych's refusal to sign an association agreement with the European Union – which symbolized a decisive turnaround vis-à-vis Russia – sparked mass protests. But when he tried to suppress them by force, he was confronted with amass protests. This uprising succeeded in preserving the democratic development of Ukraine, but it also triggered a reaction from Russia.
In an effort to counteract Ukraine's rapprochement with Europe and democracy, Russia began open aggression against the country.
Today we are talking to Igor Bigun, a researcher, Candidate of Sciences, and officer of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In 2013-2014, he was a student and active participant in the Maidan protests. He also participated directly in the Maidan self-defense forces.
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Can you tell us a little bit about your experience of that day, Nov. 21?
I thought that the protest of 2013 somehow coincided with the protests of 2004. The Orange Revolution also started in late November, so I thought it was a symbolic coincidence.
For the first time, I visited the protest, I guess two days later, on Sunday, there was a big rally. Political parties gathered all their activists and sympathizers. It wasn’t just Independence Square but also European Square, which is next to Maidan.
HBoth were overcrowded with people, with protesters expressing their opposition to the resolution of Mykola Azarov’s government, which reversed our European integration course.
I see. And this was a decision by Yanukovych, correct?
Yes, it was. It was a decision by Yanukovych and his government. The Cabinet of Ministers was the body that announced this decision, but of course, we understand that the person who made the ultimate decision was the president.
As we know now, Yanukovych was pressured by Russian President Vladimir Putin because all this happened after his visit to Russia and his meeting with Putin.
Can you tell me a little about the atmosphere of the protests before Nov. 30?
The atmosphere resembled the energy of the Orange Revolution, which was more like a festival than a protest. It was completely peaceful, with almost no violence at the time. The first week of Euromaidan was very similar.
Since students were the best organized, many commentators or journalists labeled this period a “Students’ Maidan.” I don’t think that label is entirely correct because the portrait of a typical protester was very diverse.
There were students, youth, middle-aged people, and even pensioners. It wasn’t only students protesting against the policy of leaning toward Russia.
Can you tell me why Nov. 30 is called the beginning of the Revolution of Dignity? Why is that? What was special about it?
That night, the youth stage of the protest ended. Before this, the protest was completely peaceful.
People gathered in the city center, convened rallies, and listened to speeches by politicians and civic activists. Some foreign politicians also joined. I remember representatives of the European Union and Radosław Sikorski if I’m not mistaken. We hoped to express our position and influence the government to reconsider its decision.
On Friday, we learned that Yanukovych refused to sign the Association Agreement with the EU at the Vilnius Summit. The conclusion was that the protest had not achieved its goal. If events had not developed as they did, the protest might have ended. But the administration decided to show its strength—to punish the protesters.
At night, in the early morning of Nov. 30, riot police units, Berkut, attacked the protesters’ camp and dispersed it.
Were you there that day?
I was there, but usually, I went home in the evenings to spend the night. That night was my second night at the camp. I remember the atmosphere was tense and thrilling.
We expected something might happen. Rumors spread that the authorities had brought in titushkas – hooligans or thugs used by the police to covertly attack opposition protesters.
Around midnight, most people, fatigued, started leaving the square. I saw the equipment being dismantled and decided to try to sleep, but it was cold, and there was no proper place to lie down—just chairs. Around 4 a.m., I got up to walk around and warm myself with tea and cookies.
Then I heard shouts and screams. People were running toward the Monument to Independence. I turned and saw columns of riot police running down Instytutska Street toward the monument.
We formed three to four rows to act as a human shield.
The police stood in front of us but didn’t issue any warnings. Without an announcement, they attacked. Their goal was clear: to beat and punish us somehow. The Maidan defenders standing on the steps of the stage were scattered in moments. I ran with others toward Khreshchatyk Street, the only escape route. The other sides were blocked by riot police and conscripts. Fortunately, I escaped with just one hit on my head by a baton – no blood, just pain.
Why did this event change things? What inspired people to move from a protest to a full-blown independence movement?
That crackdown crossed a line. The violence was unjustified. The protest was peaceful – peaceful protest is a natural right in a democratic country. The government broke the law by cracking down on its own citizens.
Video footage of police beating protesters, including women, girls, and young students, horrified people. It felt like the government was attacking our children.
This outraged society.
The focus of the protests shifted from European integration to opposition against the government’s brutality. Protesters demanded not only the signing of the European Association Agreement but also the resignation of the Minister of Internal Affairs and the entire government.
How did the demographics of the protest change after Nov. 30?
The demographics changed dramatically in terms of numbers. On Dec. 1, the day after the crackdown, around one million people gathered in Kyiv. Protesters from other cities joined, occupying Khreshchatyk Street, Independence Square, and European Square. The entire downtown area was filled with people of all ages, backgrounds, and professions. It felt like the entire country was represented.
How did the Revolution of Dignity end?
The shootings in February shocked society and politicians, including members of Yanukovych’s Party of Regions. The massacre in the capital pushed Parliament to act. Opposition leaders convinced MPs from other parties to stop the violence and withdraw police from the city center. Yanukovych fled Kyiv…
To Russia, as it turned out. Can you tell me where Ukraine would be today if there had been no Euromaidan protests?
I don’t even want to imagine. Without Euromaidan, Ukraine might have ended up like Lukashenko’s Belarus—an authoritarian satellite of Russia.
We could have lost our sovereignty and identity. Euromaidan was a turning point that set our country on the right path.
The annexation of Crimea, the 2014 invasion, and the full-scale war only prove that Putin’s Russia will not let us go. The Revolution of Dignity was our chance for an independent future.
Look at Mykola Azarov, who now lives in Moscow. His social media posts are full of insults toward Ukrainians. He refuses to acknowledge our right to live independently of Russia. If he had remained prime minister, Ukraine would have been led further into Russia’s orbit. Euromaidan saved us from that fate.
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