In this first part of an exclusive interview Ukraine’s ambassador to Poland, Vasyl Bodnar gives his views on the partnership with Warsaw as Ukraine navigates this most challenging chapter in its history. As the Ambassador told Kyiv Post’s Michał Kujawski, he sees that Poland remains a vital partner - a gateway for refugees, a strategic ally in the EU, and a key player in military and economic cooperation.
He also discusses his personal ties to Warsaw, the stakes of Ukraine’s European integration, and why NATO remains its only viable security guarantee. With the EU presidency in Polish hands and negotiations for membership underway, Bodnar outlines the challenges ahead, the expectations from European partners, and the lessons Ukraine can share with the West.
MK: At the end of October, President Volodymyr Zelensky appointed you as Ukraine’s ambassador to Poland. On Jan. 13, you presented your credentials to President Andrzej Duda. Previously, you represented Ukraine in Turkey, but this is not your first experience with Poland. How did it feel returning to Warsaw?
VB: Even as a student, I traveled to Poland quite often and wrote my master’s thesis on Polish Eastern policy. I have a personal connection to Warsaw - both of my daughters were born here, they are Varsovians. You could say that we have returned home. This place holds many memories for me, and I also have many friends here with whom I have remained in contact.
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MK: Poland is another important diplomatic post after Turkey. From a diplomat’s perspective, is it a difficult one?
VB: This is a very important direction. We often talk about strategic relations and neighborly ties but, in reality today, Poland is a lifeline for Ukraine. I’m not only referring to the support Poland has provided but also to the relationships between people. Many Ukrainian refugees left via and returned through Poland - some of them have settled here. We are deeply grateful to Poland for such hospitality. We also do not want to take it for granted. Taking this opportunity, I would like to once again thank Poland for everything it is doing for Ukraine and for all Ukrainians.
MK: The first days after presenting your credentials were certainly not easy for you. Shortly afterward, President Volodymyr Zelensky’s visited Warsaw. Can you talk about what was discussed during that visit? Poland currently holds the EU Council presidency. Ukraine hopes to open 2-3 out of 6 membership negotiation clusters. What challenges does Ukraine face, and what steps is it already taking to bring its EU membership perspective closer?
VB: For Ukraine, this is a matter of life and death. Integration with the EU is not just an ordinary development process; it is something we are now fighting for. It is a civilizational choice supported by the entire Ukrainian nation. The Ukrainian authorities are focused on negotiations, and we appreciate Poland’s support, which was the subject of discussions between President Zelensky and the authorities of the Republic of Poland, Prime Minister Tusk, and President Duda.
Although integration and negotiations with the EU are the main focus of cooperation between our governments and institutions, we are also concentrating on more pragmatic and down-to-earth cooperation. This includes the development of border infrastructure - railways, roads, and border crossings - as well as the involvement of Polish companies in Ukraine’s reconstruction process.
We believe that Poland is one of the countries with a vested interest in fostering such cooperation. Of course, we are also discussing military and defense cooperation. A group will soon visit Ukraine to discuss the details of cooperation, including on commercial terms, which is important.
Another key aspect is sharing Ukraine’s wartime experience - not only from a military perspective, which is classified, but also from the perspective of ordinary citizens, civil defense, and how society functions in wartime conditions. We can share knowledge on how to survive and how to prepare. Among the crucial aspects for society are also public services and healthcare.
However, I sincerely hope that times of trial will not come to Poland.
MK: You mentioned that the European direction is a civilizational choice. It wouldn’t be an exaggeration to say that European aspirations lie at the root of this war. In 2013, in Vilnius, Yanukovych did not sign the Association Agreement with the EU, which consequently led to the Euromaidan—an event that literally has the word “Europe” in its name.
Many Western politicians, during their visits to Kyiv after the full-scale invasion began, spoke as if Ukraine would be joining the EU very soon. However, it turns out to be a long process, and some countries are not necessarily enthusiastic. What does Europe actually mean to Ukrainians?
VB: The answer to this question lies in the millions of people who left Ukraine during the war - mainly women and children - who found refuge and now live in European countries.
They can compare what works better, what works worse, and whether it is worth it. They see the aspects that need improvement in Ukraine, but they also recognize what Ukraine can share with Europe. This exchange of experiences can be Ukraine’s added value for the EU.
The vast majority of Ukrainians support integration with the Union. Both society and the state are working towards this goal. However, we are not expecting any handouts—we are fighting for it on the frontlines while implementing legal changes and reforms.
We have set ourselves a fast pace, but we also understand that you cannot graduate from school in just one year. We must complete all the necessary stages, but if we work twice as fast, with the support of our partners - including Poland and its EU presidency - we will be able to shorten this learning process.
After Poland’s presidency in the EU Council concludes, Denmark will take over, and during that time, we will strive to open even more negotiation clusters. Everything depends on the capabilities of both the EU and Ukraine. I would like to thank Poland for supporting Ukraine by organizing expert groups, which we discussed at the ministerial level in December 2024.
MK: In December 2024, on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the signing of the Budapest Memorandum, the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement clearly expressing that it does not accept any alternatives to full NATO membership.
We see a similar situation as with Ukraine’s EU membership - not all NATO members are eager to support it. What kind of security guarantees does Ukraine need, and which ones will it push for in the increasingly discussed negotiation process?
VB: Let me start with the last point. The reason why there is so much talk about negotiations is mainly that the new President of the United States has announced his intention to quickly end the war. But how can this war be brought to an end? Certainly not at Ukraine’s expense, as that would have serious consequences.
What is needed is a concentrated international effort, including from the US, to put pressure on the aggressor - Russia - to cease its actions and withdraw its troops from Ukrainian territory. This will be a key issue in the negotiation process.
The most important thing is for Ukraine to have sufficient military capability to defend itself against Russia, both today and in the future.
Additionally, the policy of sanctions cannot be abandoned. International pressure through sanctions should ensure that the Russian economy deteriorates to a level where it can no longer sustain its war efforts.
NATO is our strategic objective, and there is no other viable alternative for security guarantees for both Ukraine and the world. This is confirmed by the gray zones in the South Caucasus and Eastern Europe, where Russia is attempting to expand its influence and gain control over various countries using political or military methods.
These actions are against the interests of both NATO and the EU. If Russia cannot be stopped in Ukraine, it will not be stopped in other countries - including NATO member states. If the Baltic states are threatened, they will have to be defended. This would lead to a major war with an uncertain outcome.
Supporting Ukraine militarily and politically is the most cost-effective way to prevent future wars. We can discuss what steps might be taken if negotiations were to begin and how to ensure that Russian aggression does not resume. There are many possibilities, including the deployment of international peacekeeping forces by NATO or another organization. However, in my opinion, it is still too early for states to make specific commitments - we must first wait for the outcome of this war.
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